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Media Conference: Zimbabwe
Media Centre Conference Room
Speakers: Mr Howard, Mr McKinnon
Monday, 4 March 2002
MR HOWARD: Ladies and gentlemen, as you know, the issue
of Zimbabwe has come under a lot of discussion at this Commonwealth
Heads of Government Meeting. I have distributed with the Secretary-General
a statement which records the conclusions of the heads of government.
The essence is that heads of government have agreed that we await
the election in Zimbabwe and we get the report of the Observer Group.
If that report is adverse, full authority has been given to myself
as the new chairman in office, the former chairman in office - that
is, the President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki - and the future
chairman in office, the President of Nigeria, General Obasanjo.
The authority has given to us to determine on behalf of the Commonwealth
a response to that adverse report. In determining that response,
we will be instructed entirely by the Harare principles and also
the Millbrook Commonwealth Action Program, which, as you know, ranges
from collective disapproval to suspension from the councils of the
Commonwealth.
This has not been an easy issue. There is a range of views. Strong
feelings are held. But what the Commonwealth has decided upon is
not something that pushes it off to the nether-nether. If in fact
there is an adverse report, it provides a mechanism. That mechanism
is that a report will be received by the Secretary-General. The
Secretary-General will, of course, consult closely with the three
of us. Then a decision will be taken in accordance with the principles
laid down in the Harare agreement and the Millbrook Action Plan.
There certainly was lengthy discussion. We received and discussed
the report of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group. During
the discussion there was a great deal of analysis of the history
of the various forces at work in Zimbabwe. A very clear consensus
emerged from the meeting that, whatever may be the varying thoughts
on the CMAG agreement, because the election is in six days, we should
of course appeal to everybody within Zimbabwe for a fair and open
election and for those involving themselves in violence to desist.
But, having done that, we should lay down a plan of action that
would resolve the issue of Zimbabwe's status in relation to the
Commonwealth on the merits. That device is to hand it over for resolution
on behalf of the Commonwealth to the three heads of government:
the President of Nigeria, the President of South Africa and the
Prime Minister of Australia.
On the strength of our positions as the current, past and future
chairmen in the office, it has been decided, in case are you wondering,
that Nigeria will host the 2003 Commonwealth Heads of Government
Meeting. South Africa hosted the last one, we are hosting this one
and Nigeria is hosting the next one. As will become apparent from
the communique which will be released tomorrow, we have adopted
the recommendation from the High Level Review Group that does give
a slightly expanded role to the Secretary-General and to the chairman
in office, the description used for the person who, in my position,
chairs this meeting and then continues in that role until the next
meeting, which will be at the end of next year.
I believe that this is a bona fide effective way of providing a
mechanism that will enable adjustment to be made on the strength
of the observers' report. What the Commonwealth heads have done,
as this statement indicates, is to mandate. That is a very strong
word, a very well-understood word, in political circles. It has
given us authority to make a judgment. But that judgment is made
obviously in accordance with the Harare Declaration or the Millbrook
declaration or action program. There was no dissent in the meeting
from the view that those principles should be upheld.
I think it is a very good outcome. It provides a sure mechanism,
a quick mechanism, for dealing with the issue. It is a fair mechanism
and one that is very dependent upon the nature and the quality of
the report that comes from the Observer Group. It clearly gives
authority to the three heads of government to take that decision
in the light of that report and based on the application of the
Harare and Millbrook programs.
MR MCKINNON: I want to say something by way of a slight
background. Those of you who followed this whole issue will be aware
that since the Millbrook plan of action was put in place in Auckland
six and a half years ago there has always been a wide interpretation
and a lot of argument about the interpretation of the role and breadth,
capability and capacity of CMAG. That now comes to an end as we
put in place a whole new mandate for dealing with difficult issues
within Commonwealth countries, which will take effect when this
meeting concludes. So we are moving from one modus operandi for
dealing with states that are perceived to be in violation to another.
It is quite appropriate in the circumstances to take Zimbabwe out
of this crossing-the-bridge issue and deal with it quite separately,
virtually by an appellate court of the CMAG ministers. The CMAG
ministers, as of next week, are under a slightly different mandate,
where the definitions of their roles are much clearer.
QUESTION: Do the powers that yourself and the other two
members of the committee have extend to imposing sanctions?
MR HOWARD: It is the full range of what is in the Millbrook
agreement.
(Inaudible question)
MR HOWARD: No. We have been mandated. We will obviously
discharge that mandate responsibly carefully and deliberately. But
we will be guided what is in the Millbrook and Harare.
QUESTION: How quickly after that could you act if need be?
MR HOWARD: Don might be able to help me on precise days
and weeks. But in both cases, quickly, quickly.
MR MCKINNON: The elections are on 9 and 10 March next week.
The observers will invariably give an interim report after the polls
have closed and before the results are announced. Their final report
is usually written in a couple of days after that. It would come
to me two or three to four days after the election.
QUESTION: Will the observers be allowed to stay on, or has
the Commonwealth recommended that observers stay on in Zimbabwe
after the elections, as the opposition has requested?
MR MCKINNON: The observers have been put there to stay there
until they have concluded their report. I know people say to keep
your observers there. All our observers are volunteers. They are
there for about four weeks, invariably until they feel it is time
to go home. Nevertheless, as long as they have seen the election
through, seen the results come out, written their report, we do
not see a need to keep them there in the total number that they
are.
QUESTION: Prime Minister, my question is about India and
Pakistan tension with the disputed region of Kashmir. Have the leaders
discussed how to help resolve the Kashmir dispute?
MR HOWARD: That matter has not been discussed. There would
be a couple of reasons perhaps why that is so. One of them, of course,
is that Pakistan is currently suspended from the councils of the
Commonwealth. It is also traditional, as I understand it, that disputes
between member states of the Commonwealth are not normally discussed
at Commonwealth meetings without the express agreement of both of
them. I should say that the Indian Prime Minister, unfortunately,
could not come at the last moment. He spoke to me last Thursday
night. We talked about this issue briefly. I extended to him my
appreciation for the efforts that have been made by him to lower
the temperature of that dispute. It remains a very difficult issue.
But both the Prime Minister of India and General Mushari deserve
credit for the steps they have taken more recently to lower some
of the temperature of that dispute.
QUESTION: Prime Minister, you have said that your response
and the response of the three chairmen will be guided within the
framework of the Harare Declaration and the Millbrook Convention.
Is not that a point of contention? We have already heard Zimbabwe
argue that both those documents stop action for anything less than
a coup, and that has not happened.
MR HOWARD: That is not a view I accept and it is not a view
the majority of people accept. If you look at Millbrook, it uses
the word 'particularly' but not 'exclusively or 'only' in relation
to the coup. It is not an interpretation I accept. It is not an
argument that has any currency in the meeting.
QUESTION: Prime Minister, you have said this is a fair and
sure mechanism. Surely it does not guarantee that your view will
prevail. There will be suspension, if it is felt necessary, because
two of the three leaders have held out very strongly against action
against Zimbabwe in the past.
MR HOWARD: You are making assumptions about my view that
you ought not make. My view will be guided by what is contained
in the observers report. My mandate, and the only mandate I will
have, is to act in accordance with what is in the report and be
guided by the principles of Harare and Millbrook. The other observation
I would make is that I think the question also implies that the
other two colleagues will bring a lack of bona fides to their assessment
of the merits of the issue. I do not believe that will be the case.
QUESTION: There are many people in Britain and Australia
who will see this statement as very weak. I assume 'concern' is
a deliberately chosen but rather muted word.
MR HOWARD: Are you making a speech or asking me a question?
QUESTION: There are two questions. You also call on all parties
to refrain from violence. You do not single out Robert Mugabe. How
do you defend yourself against the accusation that you have pulled
your punch here on Mr Mugabe? Secondly, if Zimbabwe is a test of
the relevance of the Commonwealth, have you failed that test?
MR HOWARD: I reject both those claims. You notice that 'parties'
is with a small 'p', not a capital 'p'. It is a generic exhortation
to everybody who might be involved in violence to desist. At the
end of the day you have to find a mechanism that accommodates the
range of views in the Commonwealth on this issue but also delivers
a fair and sure outcome. That is what we have done. I think your
accusation would have been valid if what we had done was to say
that we will get the observers report, we will get the three heads
of government to look at it and then make a recommendation to the
next meeting of the Commonwealth. I think you would have had a valid
point then. I think that would have been a very valid criticism.
It would have been weak. But you have a situation now that provides
a series of quite definite steps. Those steps are that you get the
report quickly. Three people have been identified. None of us can
hide behind the fog of a collective. We cannot. We have all got
to be accountable for the decisions we take on the merits of the
report. Therefore, I do not regard it as weak at all; I do not think
it has failed the test. I do not accept the accusation contained
in your question.
QUESTION: In view of the number of heads of government absent
from this meeting, there have been comments that the Commonwealth
has been losing its relevance. What do you make of that comment?
MR HOWARD: It has been a very good turn up considering it
was postponed. Bear in mind that there were a couple of heads of
government, particularly from India and Sri Lanka, who pulled out
at the last moment because of very difficult domestic positions.
There were some very distressing events in India. The leader of
Sri Lanka has the responsibility of making work this very welcome
cease-fire agreement that has been concluded between groups who
have been fighting each other in Sri Lanka for a long period of
time. I think we have had a great roll-up. Everybody seems to have
enjoyed themselves. There is still a bit to go as well.
QUESTION: What have you promised to Zimbabwe, and how soon
will it come into effect after the finding of a free and fair election?
MR HOWARD: We have not gone into the detail of that. There
are different ways of providing assistance. We are willing to do
with that in cooperation with other international agencies.
MR MCKINNON: We have already done work with Zimbabwe in terms offering
to provide assistance to the electoral commission. It was turned
down. We are currently working with UNDP on the land reform program.
Hopefully, that can be reactivated after the elections. We will
also be involved in that.
QUESTION: I have three technical points. Is there any appeal
on the decision of the heads of government? If you cannot reach
ananimity, will a majority vote suffice? At what stage is the observers
report made public?
MR HOWARD: In relation to the first question, no. In relation
to the second question, my view is that, if the report is adverse,
I think everybody will have the same view. I can only express a
view in relation to that. At what time will the report be made public,
we have not addressed that. We will have to talk about it with the
Secretary-General.
MR MCKINNON: Usually after it has been received by Commonwealth
governments.
QUESTION: Could you just make clear, if you are willing,
as to whose idea of the three heads this was? It was suggested that
it came from General Obasanjo rather than the Australian government.
Do you think this deal restores the battered credibility of the
Commonwealth because it has failed to again and again to take action
on Zimbabwe after a period of two years?
MR HOWARD: In relation to the second question, I think it
does provide a very credible response. You can make a judgment.
If want to suspend judgment on that, which I guess you will, you
can wait until after we have received the report and responded.
But I can tell you that as far as I am concerned I am going to apply
myself in a bona fide way to this. I am perfectly satisfied from
my discussions with president Obasanjo and President Mbeki. As to
whose idea it was, I appreciated the contributions of many people
to the discussion, including General Obasanjo. I found him a very
pleasant and positive person with whom to work. I had not met him
until he - I met him very briefly in Durban. He paid a short bilateral
visit to Australia. We worked together very effectively. He brings
a very different perspective on something like that from me. I regard
him as a very honourable person who is genuinely trying to find
a solution that supported the credibility of the Commonwealth but
also accommodated the range of views on this issue. I think you
can suspend your judgment, as you say you will, until after the
process has worked its way through. I think it is a credible outcome
for the Commonwealth. I do not know that I have much to say about
what has happened over the last couple of years. I think it is a
very credible outcome. It does reflect a lot of credit on all the
heads of government.
As I say, I particularly appreciated the contribution of General
Obasanjo but also the President of South Africa, the British Prime
Minister. I tried to hit a few boundaries too.
MR MCKINNON: If in fact the Commonwealth had suspended Zimbabwe
two years ago, we would not have election observers there now. We
would not even be engaged now. We will not have had the ministers
from the Abuja process there. We have remained engaged. It has been
extraordinarily difficult. We have not been that successful but
we do have 60 election observers on the ground now, which is what
the people of Zimbabwe want.
QUESTION: This is a question about Bangladesh. Is the government
going to take any initiative to help the countries of Bangladesh
to face the challenges of globalisation?
MR HOWARD: Your question, which is for understandable reasons,
asked at gatherings of this nature, makes the assumption, I think,
if I understood the question correctly - please correct me if I
am wrong - that globalisation has automatically negative effects.
I do not share that view. One thing that came through very strongly
during our discussion was the widespread recognition of the need
for more open trading practices around the world. It was a point
to which I averted in my welcoming address. It remains my very strong
view that the best thing that developed countries could do for countries
like Bangladesh would be to reduce and preferable eliminate their
trade barriers. That is certainly a view expressed very strongly,
especially but not only by those member states of the Commonwealth
that are agricultural exporters.
QUESTION: In the event of an adverse report, would you expect
the three leaders to meet face to face? If so, would that meeting
take place in Australia?
MR HOWARD: The answer to the first question is we might.
The answer to the second question is that it might or it might not.
I have not really considered that. What will happen is that the
report will go to the Secretary-General and then he will consult
us. He will obviously be heavily involved in the process and we
will be talking to him. As to whether we need to meet face to face,
we can make a decision about that depending on what is in the report.
Whatever is necessary in terms of process will be undertaken in
order to respond quickly and effectively and honestly to the recommendations.
We might have I have to go back to this retreat. We still have other
matters to deal with.
QUESTION: You described the discussions as lengthy. Can
you say how difficult and divisive they were, even though you now
have an agreement?
MR HOWARD: Well, it was an intense discussion. But at no
stage did it become acrimonious. I can honestly say that. At no
stage did it become nasty or unpleasant. But it is a discussion
that naturally traversed the history of Zimbabwe and what had gone
before Zimbabwe. There were a whole range of views expressed. But
everybody who contributed to it did so in a very conscientious manner.
I should add that the Zimbabwe foreign minister was given ample
time to put a point of view, which was appropriate. I am not going
to say what that point of view was because I am not meant to disclose
any detail. But the Secretary-General would agree with me that it
was an intense, committed, involved discussion, but at no stage
did it become spiteful or acrimonious.
I believe that the mood of the meeting was extremely positive at
the end because people do see this as a genuinely effective way
of dealing with a difficult problem that does provide a bona fides
mechanism that will produce an outcome based on the merits of the
situation and not individual views. I will take one more question
and then we must go.
QUESTION: So much is riding on the observer report. Are
you confident that the observers now in Zimbabwe will be in a position
to produce a definitive report? If it is not definitive and conclusive,
what happens next?
MR MCKINNON: They produced a report on the June 2000 elections.
It was critical at the time. We have the same leader of the observer
mission, General Abuka from Nigeria. Some of the same observers
are there this time that were there last time. They managed to get
a report out. It was critical. I have full confidence that they
will put it weekly with the reports report.
ENDS
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